The Georgia state primary contest between incumbent Rep. Cynthia Ann McKinney (D) and challenger Denise Majette has come down to who has the most currency amongst the voters of the 4th District. Both candidates are reaching beyond their district in the home stretch of the race, with volunteers for each campaign coming from across the country. On August 17 and 18, the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan is scheduled to join rallies in and around the district of Ms. McKinney.

Referring to her as a "cutting-edge politician," the Rev. Jesse Jackson during a sermon Aug. 11 in Atlanta endorsed Ms. McKinney and urged voters to re-elect her.

"Georgia would do well to see her in office," Rev. Jackson told reporters. "I appreciate the work of Cynthia McKinney, whether it be work in Africa or asking tough questions about what we did or did not know about Sept. 11," he said.

The Fourth District is roughly 55 percent Black, nearly 40 percent White with the rest comprising Asians, Native Americans and Hispanics.

Recent news polls gave the former state judge of nine years, Ms. Majette, a slight edge over Ms. McKinney until an unexpected Aug. 9 surge of support after Ms. McKinney confronted the challenger over her record as a judge during a televised statewide debate.

"McKinney shined," commented one supporter.

According to published reports even Ms. Majette�s supporters admitted surprise at the debate�s conclusion. "[McKinney] came across as warm and sure of the issues for which she stands," the supporter said. "Majette was combative, defensive and came across as almost angry. In addition, she barely talked about local issues, which gave me the impression that she just doesn�t know what the issues are here in DeKalb County."

During the debate a reporter from the Atlanta Journal Constitution, which endorsed the challenger, asked Ms. Majette about a prior interview where she allegedly opposed affirmative action, but in a meeting of Black professionals, according to the reporter, she supported the plan. Ms. Majette said better schools and adequate salaries for teachers are the best way to "level the playing field" and make up for past wrongs.

Ms. Majette�s investments into prescription drug companies were also challenged as well as her support of drug legislation. Such legislation, Ms. McKinney said, "will continue to allow them to abuse Georgia families with high prices for prescription drugs."

Ms. Majette, 46, ended a nine-year career as a State Court judge in January to run for Congress. Originally from Brooklyn, N.Y., she is a Yale University graduate, now residing in Stone Mountain, Ga. She has pledged "to unite the people and resources of the Fourth Congressional District in a way that you have not experienced before."

She accused Rep. McKinney of being an ineffective lawmaker, comparing the amount of monies brought into her district with that of the neighboring 5th Congressional District represented by U.S. Rep. John Lewis. She accused Ms. McKinney of taking campaign contributions from Arab terrorists and complained that Ms. McKinney had distributed campaign ads filled with "misrepresentations and lies."

On the question of Jewish donors, who have poured so much money into her coffers that it has drawn national attention, Ms. Majette was asked if she would be beholden to Israel due to the amount of money from pro-Israeli groups. "I�m not beholden to anyone except the people of the 4th District," Ms. Majette responded.

"Let�s look at the facts," McKinney campaign manager Bill Banks told The Final Call. "In the last 10 years the congresswoman has brought $356 million into her districts (she only came to represent the 4th District through a congressional rezoning process in 1995). She has made money available for education, transportation, housing and helped businesses in DeKalb County," he said. "She is outspoken, no question about that," he said, "and her constituents appreciate it and expect it out of her. She speaks the truth and to the needs of the people."

Calls to interview Ms. Majette by The Final Call were not returned after an initial commitment from Ms. Majette�s media coordinator Ms. Elizabeth Wilson.

Not out of the woods yet

With a decade of service, Ms. McKinney, 47, finds herself in the toughest political fight of her career.

Others maintain that Ms. McKinney�s true opponent is not Ms. Majette, but rather a powerful cabal of outside money interests, a racist, conservative mainstream media, pro-Israel groups and a Republican Party that sees an opportunity to gain a pivotal seat in the Congress in the upcoming November general election.

"This is dangerous," commented former congressman of the Illinois 2nd District Gus Savage. "Normally, it is not a good sign when an incumbent finds himself in a dead heat with a challenger, a person with no track record of service and a general unknown. But Cynthia�s challenge is not a normal situation," he said, alluding to the fact that more appears to be at stake than the loss of a job for five-term incumbent Ms. McKinney, the first Black woman in Georgia history to be elected to the United States Congress.

A member of Congress from 1981-1993, Mr. Savage cited several similarities to the multi-layered opposition Ms. McKinney faces with his experiences that ultimately led to his ouster from office. "In fact, I was the model for what you saw happen to Earl Hilliard in Alabama and what could possibly happen to Cynthia in a few days, if we are not careful," he warned.

Zionist forces and pro-Israeli lobby groups are at the root of the problem for Ms. McKinney, he said, and the opposition "is not local, it is global."

"Cynthia can be saved, but we must understand first, why that is important and then fight the opposition," he said. "She is the best we have in Congress right now � at keeping the pressure on other Black-elected officials. Her stances make them explain to their constituents why they voted the way they did or why they may have remained silent on an issue. When she presents legislation or stands for or against an issue, you know why with Cynthia McKinney, because she will explain herself and rally members of Congress to consider their options as well."

Much has been said about the contributions from AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) into the campaigns of Ms. Majette in Georgia and that of Artur Davis, who unseated five-term incumbent Earl Hilliard in the Seventh District of Alabama. Millions of dollars poured into the Hilliard defeat and now funds work to unseat Ms. McKinney.

Founded in 1951 by I.L. "Sy" Kenen, AIPAC was originally called the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs. It appealed directly to Congress for legislation providing aid to Israel and to circumvent State Department opposition.

AIPAC was not the first domestic lobby to concern itself with foreign affairs, but it is regarded as the most powerful. Under Mr. Kenen, it remained a one-man operation until the late 1970s. To date, more than 200 employees with seven regional offices and a budget of more than $15 million lobbies the executive branch as well as the legislative branches of government.

The lobby strives to remain nonpartisan and thereby keeps friends in both parties by framing issues in terms of "national interest." But that�s in keeping with their Zionist roots, said Mr. Savage. "They don�t attach themselves to any ideology, only to power, so that they can maneuver in the best interest of a foreign nation," thus endangering the very fabric of American democracy, Mr. Savage contends.

When contacted by The Final Call, AIPAC spokeswoman Rebecca Needeler said, "We are not a PAC (Political Action Committee). People get us confused. We�re a lobbying organization, a 501(C) 4 group that is forbidden by law to contribute to any campaign. We don�t rate or endorse any candidate. We strictly adhere to the law that forbids that activity," she said.

The Arab lobby

U.S. Muslim and Arab lobby groups have been in existence nearly as long as AIPAC. One of the earliest formed was the National Association of Arab-Americans through its founder Richard Shadyac in the early 1950s.

There are a number of larger and more representative groups, such as the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, American Federation of Ramallah Palestine, American Muslim Council, American Task Force on Lebanon, American Muslims for Jerusalem, Council on American-Islamic Relations, Education for Peace in Iraq Center, Muslim American Society, Muslim Public Affairs Council, Palestine Media Watch, Palestinian-American Women�s Association, and the Union or Arab Student Associations. Typically, these organizations have boards of directors composed of prominent retired government officials, but not nearly the influence of an AIPAC. They depend greatly on public sympathy.

Rep. McKinney�s Arab and Muslim support has always been there for her, and became stronger over the years as a result of humanitarian stances taken on Mid-East conflict, particularly in addressing the suffering of the Palestinian people and her voting record. Her support from this community has become an issue primarily to incite negative propaganda against her campaign, her supporters maintain.

How do they do it?

Political campaign contributions have proven to be an important means of influence in races. The first pro-Israel PAC was formed in 1978, but there was little activity until 1982 when 33 pro-Israel PACs contributed $1.87 million to congressional candidates. Like other PACs, most of this money was given to incumbents. And because of the long association of Jews with the Democratic Party, nearly 80 percent of the contributions went to them. The number of pro-Israel PACs more than doubled in 1984, as did their contributions. It was estimated that more than 70 pro-Israel PACs spent a little more than $4 million in 1984. By 1988, the figure was nearly $5 million, but still was dwarfed in comparison to PAC monies raised by labor unions, lawyers, doctors, and trade associations.

The PACs� contributions became increasingly focused in 1984 during the first presidential run of Rev. Jesse Jackson and even greater in 1988 when he actually began winning electoral votes, carrying Michigan and moving swiftly into New York. In 1984, they enjoyed a high degree of success when they turned then-congressman Paul Simon into a senator by helping defeat pro-Palestinian candidate Charles Percy. An earlier campaign in 1982 led by the Israeli lobby also defeated pro-Arab Congressman Paul Findley of Illinois.

However, the shift to Black politicians became obvious during the political tenure of Mr. Savage. PACs were developed with obscure names so that they could not be identified as a Zionist or pro-Israel group. Then, executive members of AIPAC were made heads of the PACs. "Then we began to track a pattern of monies coming from outside the district and state belonging to AIPAC board members and their families. The head of AIPAC at the time, Mr. Robert Asher, and his family gave several donations in amounts of $1,000 each (the maximum single contribution allowed) to the campaign of my opponent Mel Reynolds," Mr. Savage said.

The fact that money came from outside of the district or from Jewish PACs is not the issue, Mr. Savage told The Final Call. The issue is that the arm that illegally orchestrated the PACs operated solely for the interest of a foreign nation, he said.

With a U.S. Jewish population of some six million concentrated in key states, AIPAC is dependent on the support of non-Jewish groups and actively works to form coalitions with broad segments of American society. They have enjoyed great success in building coalitions with unions, entertainers, clergy, scholars and Black leaders. The coalitions allow the lobby to demonstrate a broad public consensus for a pro-Israel policy.

They depend on developed networks of at least 75 different organizations, which in one way or another support Israel. Most cannot legally engage in lobbying, but are represented on the Board of Directors of AIPAC, so they are able to provide input into the lobby�s decision-making process. Equally important is the bureaucratic machinery of these organizations, which enables them to disseminate information to their members and facilitate a rapid response to legislative activity.

A second coordinating body is the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations. It is composed of leaders of 55 different organizations and is responsible for formulating and articulating the "Jewish position" on most foreign policy matters. The conference allows the lobby to speak with one voice in a way its opponents cannot. They also unofficially enjoy close-knit relationships with Israeli officials.

Why Hilliard and McKinney?

Like Ms. McKinney, Mr. Hilliard is an outspoken critic of Washington�s policies concerning support of Israel at the expense of Arab lives and human rights.
"The recent attack on Congressman Hilliard has spun a vicious climate of political retaliation against outside influence in Black political affairs," noted researcher/activist Steve Cokely, who has helped to organize busloads of volunteers from various states to assist Ms. McKinney in the last weekend of her campaign. "Would it not be fair to target any national Joe Lieberman candidacy as payback against being �thugged� by political hit men who undermine those that don�t bow to Israel? Enough is enough. We must fight against political and racial profiling," he said.

With the exception of Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.), the only other members on the Foreign Relations Committee�designed to earmark foreign assistance and U.S. policy abroad�are Reps. Hilliard and McKinney. Not that their votes change the outcome of aid for Israel or against Africa, Mr. Savage said, but their votes clearly expose the lines that are drawn between the concerns of the overall Black community and "Zionist leadership that we, in ignorance, call our friends," he said.

Even Republican voters have a strategy for defeating U.S. Rep. Cynthia McKinney that some have labeled political treason. A group called New Leadership for DeKalb estimates that Republican voters can swing 3,000 to 5,000 votes to Ms. Majette if they were to vote for the challenger in the Democratic primary.

In Rep. McKinney�s case, the scenarios grow even greater.

In 1992, then Georgia Governor Zell Miller, created the Georgia-Israel Exchange to explore emerging technology in both industry and agriculture, enhance trade, encourage tourism and jointly participate in economic development programs. The program annually gives the state nearly $100 million with close to $1.6 million in military contracts.

Georgia now has its own trade office in Israel. Mr. Miller, who is now a Democratic Georgia senator, endorsed Ms. Majette for Congress, contributed to her campaign and criticized Ms. McKinney for her demand for 9-11 investigations.

In Alabama, then-Gov. Fob James Jr. led a trade mission to Israel in October 1997, the same year Rep. Hilliard was condemned for his fact-finding excursion into Iraq. Gov. Forbes signed a formal cooperation agreement with Israel bringing more than $40 million annually to the state with nearly $2 million in military contracts. Alabama also now has a trade representative in Israel.

Photo: Rep. Cynthia McKinney, D-Ga., right, and her opponent in the upcoming Democratic primary Denise Majette debate at Georgia Public Television on Friday, Aug. 9 in Atlanta.   Photo: Wide World Photos